Missing the Middle Discussion: Final Response
We close our Message of Misery roundtable with a final wrap-up from Third Way's Anne Kim, Adam Solomon, and Jim Kessler. Watch this space for a fascinating piece on how authoritarian values influence voting and, later, a roundtable discussion on national security strategy.

Letters Never Sent

Missing the Middle Discussion: Round 2
Third Way's Anne Kim, Adam Solomon, and Jim Kessler respond to their discussants as we continue the roundtable on their essay, Message of Misery.

Truth and Opportunity

As before, our panel of discussants will respond. They are:

TDS Editor William Galston	Jacob Hacker
TDS Editor Ruy Teixeira	Elizabeth Warren
Ralph Whitehead, Jr. [Corrected]	John Halpin

Readers may also be interested in an ongoing exchange on this topic hosted by The American Prospect.

With the dog days of August coming to an end and the return of our Washington D.C.-based readers to the capital, The Democratic Strategist begins its regular publication schedule. This month we will feature two roundtable discussions. In the second half of September, we will host a discussion on Democratic national security strategy. In the meantime, today begins an important discussion on the Democratic middle-class economic agenda. Anne Kim, Adam Solomon, and Jim Kessler of Third Way argue that Democrats have a problem winning middle-class voters not just due to national security and values gaps, but due to their economic program as well.

Message of Misery

Responding to this argument will be:

TDS Editor William Galston	Jacob Hacker
TDS Editor Ruy Teixeira	Elizabeth Warren
John Halpin

Authoritarianism is central both to understanding the nature of the contemporary political divide and why Republican issue appeals, which have been increasingly organized around authoritarian-inspired issues, have been so effective.   more >

$23,700. That is the household income level at which a white person became more likely to vote for a Republican over a Democrat in congressional races in 2004. That's $5,000 above the poverty line for a family of four, less than half the median income of the typical voting household of all races, and an emphatic repudiation of all things Democratic among the white middle class. Obtaining a sustainable Democratic majority in either house will be impossible unless there is a significant change in this economic tipping point.

The Third Way authors provide a useful service in pointing out a problem that many progressive activists frequently fail to recognize. A political message that essentially says, "Here are 50 reasons why your life sucks," is not a compelling way to attract anyone to the progressive cause let alone reach the all important middle-class voters who have abandoned the Democratic Party in droves. Barring severe or sharp economic decline, attempts to browbeat people with negative statistics and a barrage of scary anecdotes will almost always lose out at the national level to a more hopeful and optimistic vision.   more >

Without middle class support, no political party can remain in power. The trio of Kim, Solomon and Kessler has this right. The message should be tattooed on the inside of the eyelids of every office seeker in America.   more >

I agree with much of this memo. The Democrats do have a big problem with middle-class Americans, starting (but not ending) with white voters. Optimism sells better than pessimism.   more >

Having just finished a book entitled The Great Risk Shift: The Assault on American Jobs, Families, Health Care, and Retirement-And How You Can Fight Back, I would guess that Anne Kim, Adam Solomon, and Jim Kessler (hereafter "KSK") will accuse me of peddling a "message of misery."   more >

Let me begin on a note of agreement with Kim, Solomon and Kessler (KSK): the Democrats have a very large problem with middle-class voters, particularly white middle-class voters. And crafting a potent economic message is key to reaching these voters. A better national security message and/or reassuring these voters on values issue will not be enough to enlist a critical mass of these voters in the Democratic camp.   more >

A recurring theme among our critics is that we deny the "truth" about the middle-class condition: that the middle class is beleaguered, fragile and, as a consequence, pessimistic. Though we disagree with these characterizations of the middle-class psyche (more on that below), we don't deny there's cause for anxiety.   more >

For the most part, the authors' response on the question of insecurity amounts to a series of non sequiturs. It is easy to agree that "a catalogue of woes is not a path forward."   more >

Kim, Solomon, and Kessler strike back hard, but I cannot tell exactly what they are striking back against. Not the notion that everything is hunky dory.   more >

Quantitative data and historical evidence suggest that talking up the economy and seeking to downplay "security" policies to focus on ownership and opportunity issues alone is not a wise approach for Democrats to pursue.   more >

The topic of this roundtable is well-chosen. As all of the contributors to it have agreed, the economic posture of our party is crucial, but is now at odds with both economic reality and electoral necessity. [Corrected]   more >

"It's the economy, stupid." Where do the famous words that propelled Bill Clinton into the White House fit in the optimism-pessimism paradigm that Kim, Solomon, and Kessler assert defines the politics of winning? Nowhere, and that's what's wrong with their paradigm.   more >

I can't say I consider the Kim, Solomon and Kessler (KSK) reply to be very responsive to the various criticisms that have been made of their argument. Indeed, KSK's response to being taken to task for being one-sided and caricaturing their opponents is to offer more of the same.   more >

Replying to this round of posts, we are reminded of Harry Truman's line: "The best letters I ever wrote were the ones I never sent."   more >